ผู้ใช้:Zambo/อำนาจฉ้อฉลฉันใด อำนาจเด็ดขาดฉ้อฉลเด็ดขาดฉันนั้น

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Zambo/อำนาจฉ้อฉลฉันใด อำนาจเด็ดขาดฉ้อฉลเด็ดขาดฉันนั้น
เกิด10 มกราคม พ.ศ. 2377
เนเพิลส์ ประเทศอิตาลี
เสียชีวิต19 กรกฎาคม พ.ศ. 2445 (68 ปี)
มีชื่อเสียงจากดูในบทความ
อำนาจฉ้อฉลฉันใด อำนาจเด็ดขาดฉ้อฉลเด็ดขาดฉันนั้น


จอห์น อีเมอริช เอ็ดเวิร์ด ดาลเบิร์ก-แอ็กทัน (อังกฤษ: John Emerich Edward Dalberg-Acton) หรือ บารอนแอ็กทันคนที่ 1 (อังกฤษ: 1st Baron Acton) เรียกกันทั่วไปว่า บารอนแอ็กทัน (เกิด: 10 มกราคม พ.ศ. 2377; ตาย: 19 กรกฎาคม พ.ศ. 2445) เป็นนักประวัติศาสตร์ชาวอังกฤษ โดยเป็นบุตรคนเดียวของเซอร์เฟอร์ดินันด์ ดาลเบิร์ก-แอ็กทัน และเป็นหลานของเซอร์จอห์น แอ็กทัน พลเรือเอกชาวเนเพิลส์ บารอนแอ็กทันที่ 1 เป็นผู้กล่าววลียอดนิยมว่า "อำนาจฉ้อฉลฉันใด อำนาจเด็ดขาดฉ้อฉลเด็ดขาดฉันนั้น" (อังกฤษ: Power tends to corrupt, absolute power corrupts absolutely.)

Personal life[แก้]

Lord Acton's grandfather, who in 1791 succeeded to the baronetcy and family estates in Shropshire, previously held by the English branch of the Acton family, represented a younger branch which had transferred itself first to France and then to Italy. However, by the extinction of the elder branch, the admiral became head of the family. His eldest son, Richard, married Marie Louise Pelline, the daughter and heiress of Emeric Joseph Wolfgang Heribert, 1st Duc de Dalberg, a naturalised French noble of ancient German lineage who had entered the French service under Napoleon and represented Louis XVIII at the Congress of Vienna in 1814. After Sir Richard Acton's death in 1837, she became the wife of the 2nd Earl Granville (1840). Comtesse de Dalberg was heiress of Hermsheim in Germany. She became Acton's mother.

Education[แก้]

From an ancient Roman Catholic family, young Acton was educated at Oscott under Dr (afterwards Cardinal) Wiseman until 1848 and then at Edinburgh where he studied privately. At Munich, Acton resided in the house of Döllinger, the great scholar and subsequent leader of the Old Catholic party, with whom he became lifelong friends. He had endeavoured to procure admission to Cambridge, but for a Roman Catholic this was impossible at that time. Nonetheless, Döllinger had inspired in him a deep love of historical research and a profound conception of its functions as a critical instrument. He was a master of the principal foreign languages and began at an early age to collect a magnificent historical library, with the object--which, however, he never realized--of writing a great "History of Liberty." In politics, he was always an ardent Liberal.

Although not a notable traveller, Acton spent much time in the chief intellectual centres of Europe and in the United States and numbered among his friends such men as Montalembert, De Tocqueville, Fustel de Coulanges, Bluntschli, von Sybel and Ranke. He was attached to Lord Granville's mission to Moscow as British representative at the coronation of Alexander II of Russia in 1856.

Family[แก้]

In 1865 Acton married the Countess Marie, daughter of the Bavarian Count Maximilian von Arco auf Valley, by whom he had one son and three daughters.

In America[แก้]

Acton took a great interest in America, considering its Federal structure the perfect guarantor of individual liberties. During the American Civil War, his sympathies lay entirely with the Confederacy, for their defense of States' Rights against a centralized government that, by all historical precedent, would inevitably turn tyrannical. His notes to Gladstone on the subject helped sway many in the British government to sympathize with the South. After the South's surrender, he wrote to Robert E. Lee that "I mourn for the stake which was lost at Richmond more deeply than I rejoice over that which was saved at Waterloo."

Death and legacy[แก้]

Lord Acton took ill in 1901 and died on 19 June 1902 in Tegernsee. He was succeeded in the title by his son, Richard Lyon-Dalberg-Acton, 2nd Baron Acton. His extensive library, formed for use and not for display and composed largely of books full of his own annotations, was bought immediately after his death by Andrew Carnegie and presented to John Morley, who forthwith gave it to the University of Cambridge.

Beliefs and influences[แก้]

Politics[แก้]

In 1859, Sir John Acton settled in England, at his country house, Aldenham, in Shropshire. He returned to the House of Commons that same year as a parliamentary member of the Irish Borough of Carlow and became a devoted admirer and adherent of Gladstone. However, he was not an active member, and his parliamentary career came to an end after the general election of 1865, when, having headed the poll for Bridgnorth, a scrutiny of the ballot led to his losing his seat. He contested Bridgnorth again in 1868 but to no avail.

In 1869 he was raised to the peerage by Queen Victoria and became the first Baron Acton; he was an intimate friend and constant correspondent of the Liberal leader, and the two men had the very highest regard for one another. Matthew Arnold used to say that "Gladstone influences all round him but Acton; it is Acton who influences Gladstone."

Catholicism and Lord Acton[แก้]

Meanwhile, Acton became the editor of the Roman Catholic monthly paper, The Rambler, in 1859, on John Henry (later Cardinal) Newman's retirement from the editorship. In 1862, he merged this periodical into the Home and Foreign Review. His contributions at once gave evidence of his remarkable wealth of historical knowledge. But though a sincere Roman Catholic, his whole spirit as a historian was hostile to ultramontane pretensions, and his independence of thought and liberalism of view speedily brought him into conflict with the Roman Catholic hierarchy. As early as August 1862, Cardinal Wiseman publicly censured the Review; and when in 1864, after Döllinger's appeal at the Munich Congress for a less hostile attitude towards historical criticism, the pope issued a declaration that the opinions of Catholic writers were subject to the authority of the Roman congregations, Acton felt that there was only one way of reconciling his literary conscience with his ecclesiastical loyalty, and he stopped the publication of his monthly periodical. He continued, however, to contribute articles to the North British Review, which, previously a Scottish Free Church organ, had been acquired by friends in sympathy with him, and which for some years (until 1872, when it ceased to appear) actively promoted the interests of a high-class Liberalism in both temporal and ecclesiastical matters; he also did a good deal of lecturing on historical subjects.

In 1874, when Gladstone published his pamphlet on The Vatican Decrees, Lord Acton wrote during November and December a series of remarkable letters to The Times, illustrating Gladstone's main theme by numerous historical examples of papal inconsistency, in a way which must have been bitter enough to the ultramontane party, but demurring nevertheless to Gladstone's conclusion and insisting that the Church itself was better than its premises implied. Acton's letters led to another storm in the English Roman Catholic world, but once more it was considered prudent by the Holy See to leave him alone. In spite of his reservations, he regarded "communion with Rome as dearer than life".

คำประกาศของลอร์ดแอ็กทัน[แก้]

ใน พ.ศ. 2413 สันตะปาปาปิอุสที่ 9ได้ประกาศสิทธานต์ว่าด้วยความไม่มีผิดของสันตะปาปา

In 1870 came the great crisis in Roman Catholicism over Pope Pius IX's promulgation of the dogma of papal infallibility. Lord Acton, who was in complete sympathy on this subject with Döllinger, went to Rome in order to throw all his influence against it, but the step he so much dreaded was not to be averted. The Old Catholic separation followed, but Acton did not personally join the seceders, and the authorities prudently refrained from forcing the hands of so competent and influential an English layman. It was in this context that, in a letter he wrote to scholar and ecclesiastic Mandell Creighton, dated April 1887, Acton made his most famous pronouncement:

"ข้าพเจ้าไม่อาจยอมรับสังฆาณัติของท่านที่กำหนดว่าองค์สันตะปาปาและกษัตริย์นั้นแตกต่างจากมนุษย์คนอื่น โดยใช้หลักสันนิษฐานอันเอื้อประโยชน์ส่วนตนว่าทั้งสองจะกระทำสิ่งใดก็หาเป็นผิดไม่ ในทางตรงกันข้าม หากจะมีข้อสันนิษฐานอันใดที่คัดง้างกับผู้ทรงอำนาจแล้วไซร้ ข้อสันนิษฐานเช่นนี้จะทวีจำนวนขึ้นทุกขณะพร้อม ๆ กับการทวีขึ้นของอำนาจ ความรับผิดชอบอันวิวิฒนามาแต่ทางประวัติศาสตร์มีหน้าที่เป็นส่วนเติมเต็มความต้องการความรับผิดชอบทางกฎหมาย อำนาจฉ้อฉลฉันใด อำนาจเด็ดขาดฉ้อฉลเด็ดขาดฉันนั้น ผู้ยิ่งใหญ่ทั้งหลายแหล่มักได้แก่ผู้ชั่วช้า แม้ว่าเขาเหล่านั้นจะเป็นผู้ทรงอิทธิพลมิใช่ทรงอำนาจก็ตามที จะหามีมิจฉาทิฐิอันใดเทียบเท่าการที่อำนาจซักล้างให้ผู้ถือมันไว้กลายเป็นผู้บริสุทธิ์ยุติธรรมอีกแล้ว"[1]

Thenceforth he steered clear of theological polemics. He devoted himself to persistent reading and study, combined with congenial society. With all his capacity for study, he was a man of the world and a man of affairs, not a bookworm. Little indeed came from his pen, his only notable publications being a masterly essay in the Quarterly Review of January 1878 on "Democracy in Europe;" two lectures delivered at Bridgnorth in 1877 on "The History of Freedom in Antiquity" and "The History of Freedom in Christianity" — these last the only tangible portions put together by him of his long-projected "History of Liberty;" and an essay on modern German historians in the first number of the English Historical Review, which he helped to found (1886). After 1879 he divided his time between London, Cannes, and Tegernsee in Bavaria, enjoying and reciprocating the society of his friends. In 1872 he had been given the honorary degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Munich University; in 1888 Cambridge gave him the honorary degree of LL.D, and in 1889 Oxford the DCL; and in 1890 he was made a fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.

Influences[แก้]

His reputation for learning gradually spread abroad, largely through Gladstone's influence. The latter found him a valuable political adviser, and in 1892, when the Liberal government came in, Lord Acton was made a lord-in-waiting. Finally, in 1895, on the death of Sir John Seeley, Lord Rosebery appointed him to the Regius Professorship of Modern History at Cambridge. The choice was an excellent one. His inaugural lecture on The Study of History, afterwards published with notes displaying a vast erudition, made a great impression in the university, and the new professor's influence on historical study was felt in many important directions. He delivered two valuable courses of lectures on the French Revolution and on Modern History, but it was in private that the effects of his teaching were felt most. The great Cambridge Modern History, though he did not live to see it, was planned under his editorship, and all who came in contact with him testified to his stimulating powers and his extraordinary range of knowledge.

Famous sayings of Lord Acton[แก้]

  • “Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men.”[2]
  • “There is not a soul who does not have to beg alms of another, either a smile, a handshake, or a fond eye.”
  • “The one pervading evil of democracy is the tyranny of the majority, or rather of that party, not always the majority, that succeeds, by force or fraud, in carrying elections.”
  • “Be not content with the best book; seek sidelights from the others; have no favourites.”
  • "The science of politics is the one science that is deposited by the streams of history, like the grains of gold in the sand of a river; and the knowledge of the past, the record of truths revealed by experience, is eminently practical, as an instrument of action and a power that goes to making the future."
  • “[History is] not a burden on the memory but an illumination of the soul.”
  • “And remember, where you have a concentration of power in a few hands, all too frequently men with the mentality of gangsters get control. History has proven that. All power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
  • "The issue which has swept down the centuries and which will have to be fought sooner or later is the people versus the banks."
  • "The danger is not that a particular class is unfit to govern: every class is unfit to govern."
  • "Liberty is not the power of doing what we like, but the right to do what we ought."
  • "There is no error so monstrous that it fails to find defenders among the ablest men."
  • "Save for the wild force of Nature, nothing moves in this world that is not Greek in its origin."[1]
  • "Socialism means slavery."

References[แก้]

  1. Dalberg-Acton, John Emerich Edward (1949), Essays on Freedom and Power, Boston:The Becon Press, p. 364
  2. Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely. The New Dictionary of Cultural Literacy, Third Edition. 2002 at www.bartleby.com

Public Domain บทความนี้ ประกอบด้วยข้อความจากสิ่งพิมพ์ซึ่งปัจจุบันเป็นสาธารณสมบัติChisholm, Hugh, บ.ก. (1911). สารานุกรมบริตานิกา ค.ศ. 1911 (11 ed.). สำนักพิมพ์มหาวิทยาลัยเคมบริดจ์. {{cite encyclopedia}}: |title= ไม่มีหรือว่างเปล่า (help)

External links[แก้]

แม่แบบ:Wikisourceauthor

See also[แก้]

ก่อนหน้า Zambo/อำนาจฉ้อฉลฉันใด อำนาจเด็ดขาดฉ้อฉลเด็ดขาดฉันนั้น ถัดไป
John Alexander Member of Parliament for Carlow Borough
(18591865)
Thomas Osborne Stock
Henry Whitmore and
John Pritchard
Member of Parliament for Bridgnorth
with John Pritchard

(1865–1866)
Henry Whitmore and
John Pritchard
New Creation Baron Acton
(1869–1902)
Richard Lyon-Dalberg-Acton